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You can search the entire site. or go to the recent opinions, or the chronological or subject indices. The Green Party of Alaska v. State (11/17/2006) sp-6077

The Green Party of Alaska v. State (11/17/2006) sp-6077, 147 P3d 728

     Notice:   This opinion is subject to correction  before
     publication  in  the  Pacific  Reporter.   Readers  are
     requested to bring errors to the attention of the Clerk
     of  the  Appellate  Courts, 303  K  Street,  Anchorage,
     Alaska 99501, phone (907) 264-0608, fax (907) 264-0878,
     e-mail corrections@appellate.courts.state.ak.us.


            THE SUPREME COURT OF THE STATE OF ALASKA

THE GREEN PARTY OF ALASKA, )
) Supreme Court No. S- 11964
Appellant, )
) Superior Court No.
v. ) 3AN-03-9936 CI
)
STATE OF ALASKA, DIVISION ) O P I N I O N
OF ELECTIONS, and JANET )
KOWALSKI, Director, ) No. 6077 - November 17, 2006
)
Appellees. )
)
          Appeal  from the Superior Court of the  State
          of    Alaska,   Third   Judicial    District,
          Anchorage,  John Reese and Craig F.  Stowers,
          Judges.

          Appearances:  Kevin M. Morford, Chugiak,  for
          Appellant.    Sarah   J.   Felix,   Assistant
          Attorney   General,  and  David  W.  M rquez,
          Attorney   General,  Juneau,  for  Appellees.
          Jason  Brandeis,  ACLU of Alaska  Foundation,
          Anchorage, for Amicus Curiae.

          Before:   Bryner,  Chief  Justice,  Matthews,
          Eastaugh, Fabe, and Carpeneti, Justices.

          CARPENETI, Justice.

I.   INTRODUCTION
          The    Green    Party   of   Alaska   challenged    the
constitutionality  of  a  statute  that  set  out  the  threshold
requirements for recognition of a group as a political party  for
election  purposes.  Former Alaska Statute 15.60.010(21) required
a  group to attain at least three percent of the votes polled  in
the  last  gubernatorial election, or to register the  equivalent
number of voters.  In 2002 the Green Party failed to garner three
percent  of the vote in the governors race but it did  poll  over
six  percent  of the vote in two other statewide elections.   The
Division  of Elections subsequently withdrew recognition  of  the
Green  Party as a political party.  The Green Party alleged that,
in   so  doing,  the  Division  of  Elections  unconstitutionally
infringed on its freedoms of speech and political association and
its  right  to equal protection of the laws.  The superior  court
granted summary judgment to the state.  Because the state  has  a
clear  and  legitimate interest in regulating ballot access,  and
because  it  did  so  in a way that did not unfairly  burden  the
constitutional  rights of Green Party voters  or  candidates,  we
affirm.
II.  FACTS AND PROCEEDINGS
     A.   Facts
          The  Green  Party  of Alaska is an organized  group  of
voters  which  has regularly engaged in political  and  electoral
activities  in  Alaska since its inception in  1990.   The  Green
Party  has  consistently run statewide candidates in Alaska.   In
the  2002  general election, the Green Party ran  candidates  for
four  statewide offices: Governor and Lieutenant Governor, United
States  Senator, and United States Representative.  In  the  race
for  United States Senator the Green Party garnered 7.24  percent
of the total votes cast in that race (16,608 of 229,548).  In the
United  States Representative race the Green Party received  6.34
percent of the total votes cast in that race (14,435 of 227,725).
However,  in  the race for Governor and Lieutenant  Governor  the
Green  Party received only 1.26 percent of the votes cast  (2,926
of 231,484).
          The  Division  of Elections concluded  that  the  Green
Party  failed to retain recognized political party status because
it  did  not  meet  the statutory requirements  for  recognition.
Alaska  Statute 15.60.010(21)  the governing statute at the  time
defined a political party as:
          [A]n   organized   group   of   voters   that
          represents  a  political  program  and   that
          either nominated a candidate for governor who
          received at least three percent of the  total
          votes  cast  for  governor at  the  preceding
          general election or has registered voters  in
          the state equal to at least three percent  of
          the  total  votes  cast for governor  at  the
          preceding general election.[1]
It   is   uncontroverted  that  the  Green  Partys  gubernatorial
candidate   received 2,926 votes, or 1.26 percent, of  the  total
votes cast for governor in the 2002 general election.  It is also
uncontested  that  by February 2003 there were  4,768  registered
voters  in  the Green Party of Alaska, representing approximately
two  percent  of the total votes cast for governor  in  the  2002
general  election.  Because the Green Party did  not  poll  three
percent of the total vote in the 2002 election, nor did the Green
Party  register  three  percent of the  vote  for  governor,  the
Division of Elections withdrew recognition of the Green Party  as
a political party.
          As  a result of this change in the Green Partys status,
Green Party candidates would not be allowed to appear on the 2004
primary  election  ballot unless they first  gathered  sufficient
signatures  on  a  petition, pursuant to AS  15.25.140-.200.   In
addition,  the  Green  Partys ability to collect  and  distribute
campaign contributions would be impaired because contributions to
political groups are more strictly limited than contributions  to
political parties.2
          The  Green  Party acknowledges that it did not  satisfy
the  statutory requirements for recognition as a political party.
However,  it challenges the statute as unconstitutional, claiming
that  the  state,  by  limiting the  qualifying  contest  to  the
governors race while ignoring other statewide races, violated the
Green  Partys  rights  to  equal protection,  free  speech,  free
political association, and ballot access.  While the Green  Party
concedes  that  the state has a legitimate interest  in  ensuring
that  a  political  group  be able to demonstrate  a  significant
modicum  of  support  before enjoying the benefits  of  political
party status,3 it argues that a group that garners at least three
percent  of the total vote for any statewide office has met  that
requirement.
     B.   Proceedings
          The  Green Party sought a declaratory judgment that the
Division  of Elections violated the Partys constitutional  rights
by  depriving  it of its status as a political  party.   In  2003
Superior  Court  Judge  John  Reese granted  the  Green  Party  a
preliminary  injunction  enjoining  the  state  from  withdrawing
recognition  of  the  Partys political party  status.   Taking  a
balancing   of  hardships  approach,  Judge  Reese   found   that
withdrawing  political party status would  irreparably  harm  the
Green  Party because it would be precluded from participating  in
the  2004 primary election, and because its fund-raising  ability
would be significantly limited.  Judge Reese also concluded  that
the  states  interest  in avoiding an overcrowded  and  confusing
ballot  would not be harmed by the preliminary injunction because
the Green Party had appeared on ballots over the past decade, and
it  had obtained over six percent of the votes in the most recent
statewide  elections  for federal office.  Finally,  Judge  Reese
found  that  the  Green  Party raised a serious  and  substantial
question as to the constitutionality of AS 15.60.010(21).
          In  June  2004 the state requested that the preliminary
injunction  be dissolved because the legislature had  amended  AS
15.60.010(21)  and enacted a new definition of political  party.4
Judge  Reese  denied  the  states request,  and  the  preliminary
injunction  remained in force.  As a result  of  the  preliminary
injunction,  Green Party candidates were able to  participate  in
the August 2004 primary election.  These candidates also appeared
on  the  general  election ballot in November  2004.   The  Green
Partys  candidates  for United States Senator and  United  States
Representative polled 0.99 percent and 3.81 percent  respectively
in  the  2004  general  election.  (There  was  no  gubernatorial
election that year.)
          In  August  2004  the  Green Party  moved  for  summary
          judgment in the form of a declaratory judgment against the state,5
claiming   that   the   state   had  violated   the   fundamental
constitutional rights of the Green Party of Alaska, and  violated
its  right  to  equal  protection  of  the  laws  by  withdrawing
recognition of its status as a political party.  The  motion  for
summary  judgment was presented to Superior Court Judge Craig  F.
Stowers.
          At  around  the  same time, another Anchorage  superior
court issued a preliminary injunction in a similar case, ordering
the  state  to  place  Ray Metcalfes name  on  the  ballot  as  a
Republican Moderate Party candidate for United States  Senate  in
the  November  2004 election.  In that case, Metcalfe  challenged
the  requirement that a political group receive  at  least  three
percent of the vote to achieve political party status.  In State,
Division  of  Elections v. Metcalfe6 we reversed that  order  and
vacated the preliminary injunction, holding:
          In  light of the deference we accord  to  the
          legislature  on such issues, and because  the
          three   percent   figure   remains   in   the
          mainstream of the practices of other  states,
          Metcalfe has failed to demonstrate that he is
          entitled to a preliminary injunction based on
          a   clear  probability  of  success  on   the
          merits.[7]
          The  Green Partys summary judgment motion had been held
in  abeyance  until  we published the Metcalfe  decision.   Judge
Stowers  noted  that he ha[d] been awaiting that opinion  in  the
event the Supreme Courts decision might be pertinent to the Green
Party  case.  Ultimately, Judge Stowers found Metcalfe  not  only
pertinent,  but dispositive.  As he explained, Judge Reese,  like
the superior court in Metcalfe, had used a balancing of hardships
approach  rather  than requiring the plaintiff to  demonstrate  a
clear showing of probable success on the merits.
          Judge  Stowers  concluded that the  Green  Party,  like
Metcalfe,  had  failed  to demonstrate probable  success  on  the
merits.   Judge  Stowers also held that,  while  there  are  less
restrictive  alternatives  to  the  statutes  reliance   on   the
gubernatorial race as the benchmark, this court cannot  say  that
the  legislatures  use  of  the  gubernatorial  election  as  the
benchmark for the three percent threshold . . . was unreasonable.
Finally, Judge Stowers found that Alaskas approach was within the
mainstream  of  other  states.  In sum, Judge  Stowers  concluded
that:
          [b]ecause the Green Party has failed to  show
          that  the  legislature acted unreasonably  in
          selecting  the  office  of  governor  as  the
          touchstone  for  gauging that  necessary  and
          sufficient minimum modicum of public  support
          for  defining a political party under  former
          AS  15.60.010(21), it failed to  establish  a
          clear  probability of success on the  merits,
          and  it  also failed to prove that former  AS
          15.60.010(21) is unconstitutional.
Consequently,  the Green Partys motion for summary  judgment  was
denied, and the states cross-motion was granted.
          The  Green Party now appeals.  Both parties agree  that
there  are  no genuine issues of material fact, and that  we  can
decide the dispute as a matter of law.
III. STANDARD OF REVIEW
          We  review a grant of summary judgment de novo and will
affirm  if, when the facts are viewed in the light most favorable
to  the  party  that lost below, there are no genuine  issues  of
material  fact  and  the  party that won  below  is  entitled  to
judgment as a matter of law.8
          Constitutional  claims  are  questions  of   law,   and
consequently  are  reviewed de novo.9  In conducting  a  de  novo
review, we adopt the rule of law that is most persuasive in light
of precedent, reason, and policy.10
IV.  DISCUSSION
     A.   The  Legal  Claims in this Suit Have Not Been  Rendered
          Moot.
          As  a  preliminary matter, the Green Party argues  that
its claims have not been rendered moot, despite the fact that the
legislature   has   since   amended  the   challenged   statutory
provisions.   The  state does not contest the  justiciability  of
this case, indicating in a footnote that, while the issues raised
may  arguably be moot, the Division of Elections does not  oppose
the courts consideration and resolution of the claim now.
          Mootness functions as a doctrine of judicial restraint;
we  generally refrain from deciding questions where  events  have
rendered  the legal issue moot.11  A case is moot if it has  lost
its character as a present, live controversy.12  As we stated  in
Kodiak  Seafood  Processors Association  v.  State,  Mootness  is
particularly important in a case seeking a declaratory judgment.13
We must be particularly careful to ensure that the controversy is
  definite and concrete, touching the legal relations of  parties
having adverse legal interests. 14
          The doctrine of mootness is inapplicable in the present
case.   Although  the  legislature adopted a  new  definition  of
political party in its amendments to AS 15.60.010(21), the  state
acknowledges  that  the  governors  office  will  again  be   the
touchstone office for the elections in 2007 and 2008.  Thus,  the
legal  controversy presented remains alive despite the change  in
definition.
     B.   The  Superior  Court  Did Not Err  in  Concluding  that
          Former AS 15.60.010(21) Was Constitutional.
          The  Green  Party  argues that former AS  15.60.010(21)
unconstitutionally  infringed upon  the  rights  of  Green  Party
voters and candidates.
          We  have  acknowledged that ballot access  restrictions
interfere  with  the  right to vote and the  right  to  associate
freely in the pursuit of political beliefs.15  A political  group
that  has  been denied party status suffers diminished  political
capital  by not being able to participate in the primary election
and limited ability to raise funds under campaign finance laws.16
As  a  result, we review ballot access restrictions  with  strict
scrutiny.17
          Yet   strict   scrutiny  in  this  context   does   not
          automatically void statutory restrictions on ballot access.18  In
State  v.  Green Party of Alaska19 we adopted the  United  States
Supreme  Courts  approach to ballot access cases,  in  which  the
Court  has  stressed the importance of protecting  the  right  to
participate  in the political process, [while] also recogniz[ing]
that  in  order  to ensure that elections are orderly  and  fair,
government must play an active role in structuring elections.20
          To   determine   whether  ballot  access   restrictions
unconstitutionally burden the rights of candidates and voters, we
conduct  a  careful balancing of the importance and necessity  of
the  election  law  against the infringement of  constitutionally
protected rights,21 applying a four-step balancing approach:
          When  an election law is challenged the court
          must first determine whether the claimant has
          in fact asserted a constitutionally protected
          right.   If  so  we  must  then  assess   the
          character  and  magnitude  of  the   asserted
          injury  to  the rights.  Next  we  weigh  the
          precise interests put forward by the state as
          justifications for the burden imposed by  its
          rule.  Finally, we judge the fit between  the
          challenged   legislation   and   the   states
          interests in order to determine the extent to
          which  those  interests make it necessary  to
          burden the plaintiffs rights.[22]
The  analysis  is  intended to be flexible: [A]s  the  burden  on
constitutionally  protected  rights  becomes  more  severe,   the
government  interest must be more compelling and the fit  between
the  challenged  legislation and the  states  interests  must  be
closer.23      To     determine    whether    AS    15.60.010(21)
unconstitutionally burdened the Green Partys fundamental  rights,
we now address each prong of the balancing test.
          1.   The  Green  Party  has asserted a constitutionally
               protected right.
          The  Green Party asserts that AS 15.60.010(21) violates
its   constitutionally  protected  rights  to  equal  protection,
freedom  of  political association, freedom of  speech,  and  the
fundamental right to vote.24
          We  have  recognized  that ballot  access  restrictions
impinge on the fundamental rights of potential candidates and  on
the  rights  of  voters:  laws restricting  ballot  access  place
burdens  on two different, although overlapping, kinds of  rights
the  right  of  individuals to associate for the  advancement  of
political  beliefs, and the right of qualified voters, regardless
of their political persuasion, to cast their votes effectively. 25
Thus, the Green Party has asserted injury to its constitutionally
protected rights.
           2.    The Green Party has overstated the magnitude  of
its injury.
          The  Green  Party argues that the states  actions  have
resulted  in  a  total  deprivation of  important  constitutional
rights.   The Party contends that the state, by stripping  it  of
its  status  as a political party, has precluded it from  placing
candidates on the primary ballot.
          The  Green Party overstates its argument.  Although its
ability  to  place  candidates on the ballot is  impeded  by  the
statutes  limiting requirements, it has not been totally deprived
of  the opportunity.  Besides obtaining at least three percent of
the  vote  in the previous gubernatorial election26   the  method
challenged by the Green Party  a political organization  has  two
other  options.  It may register voters equivalent  to  at  least
three percent of the vote in the previous gubernatorial election.27
Alternatively, a political organization may nominate a  candidate
by  petition.28   It appears that the Green Party  did  not  take
advantage  of either of the latter two options.  Thus,  while  it
makes  a  valid  argument that its rights have been  impeded,  it
overstates the magnitude of the injury.
          3.   The  state  has  offered compelling  interests  to
               justify the burden imposed by the statute.
          In  analyzing the states ability to regulate elections,
we  balanc[e] . . . the importance and necessity of the  election
law   against  the  infringement  of  constitutionally  protected
rights.29  The state bears the burden of proving that  it  has  a
compelling interest to justify infringing on the rights  of  free
speech, political association, and equal protection.30
          The   Green  Party  maintains  that  the  states   sole
justification  for the statute in question is to avoid  cluttered
ballots  by  excluding  those  political  groups  that  have  not
demonstrated  a  significant modicum  of  support  among  voters.
While  acknowledging that this is a legitimate  goal,  the  Green
Party  contends  that the goal is not advanced by the  challenged
statute.
           We  previously found that the state had  a  compelling
interest  in requiring potential political parties to demonstrate
a  significant modicum of support. 31 We held then,  as  we  hold
today,  that  the  states  interest in  requiring  a  significant
modicum  of  support  is compelling because it  helps  the  state
avoid[]  confusion,  deception,  and  even  frustration  of   the
democratic  process at the general election.32  Accordingly,  the
states  interest here in drawing a line in order to  establish  a
standard  for the modicum of support required for official  party
status  is  compelling.   This interest therefore  justifies  the
burden that the statute imposes.
          4.   The statute was sufficiently narrowly tailored  to
               the  states  interests  to justify  burdening  the
               rights of the Green Party.
          The   Green  Party  concedes  that  the  state  has   a
legitimate  interest in regulating ballot access, but  it  argues
that  the  statute, by excluding groups that have demonstrated  a
significant modicum of support in races other than the  governors
race,  was not sufficiently tailored.  It suggests that the state
could  have adopted the less restrictive alternative of  granting
ballot  access to each political group that polls at least  three
percent  of  the vote in any statewide race.  The superior  court
relied  on Metcalfe to hold that, while the legislature  did  not
choose  the  least restrictive alternative, it chose a reasonable
alternative:    While  there  are  certainly   less   restrictive
alternatives to former AS 15.60.010(21)s benchmark of  tying  the
          three percent minimum threshold to the gubernatorial election, in
accordance   with   the  Metcalfe  opinions  deference   to   the
legislature in making election decisions [] this court cannot say
that the legislatures use of the gubernatorial election . . . was
unreasonable.  We agree.
          We  began  our  analysis  in  Metcalfe  by  noting  the
difficulties we faced in determining the constitutionality  of  a
numerical  line  drawn  by  the legislature,  since  line-drawing
always  involves  close  cases at  the  margins,  and  we  cannot
quantify  with  mathematical precision where  the  constitutional
line   is   to  be  found.33   Because  such  questions   involve
considerable  balancing  by  policy-makers,  we  concluded   that
deference  to the legislature was appropriate.  As we  explained,
Legislatures,  we  think,  should  be  permitted  to  respond  to
potential  deficiencies in the electoral process  with  foresight
rather  than reactively, provided that the response is reasonable
and  does not significantly impinge on constitutionally protected
rights.34
          The  Green  Party now contends, as it  did  before  the
superior  court,  that legislative deference is less  appropriate
here  because  the  Green  Party is not challenging  a  numerical
cutoff  but rather the choice of a particular statewide  race  to
measure that cutoff.  But the courts task is not to quantify  the
level  of  deference  owed to a legislative decision;  it  is  to
determine  whether  the  legislature  has  sufficiently  narrowly
tailored  the  statutory scheme to protect both the Green  Partys
constitutional  rights and the states compelling  interests.   We
agree with the superior court that, in choosing the race for  the
office of governor as the touchstone contest, the legislature met
its constitutional obligations.
          The  state  selected a narrowly tailored approach  that
burdens voters and candidates only slightly, while protecting the
states interest in avoiding voter confusion, ballot overcrowding,
and   the  presence  of  frivolous  candidates.35   Because   the
gubernatorial term (unlike federal statewide offices) is limited,
there  will  be  non-incumbents running at  regular  intervals.36
Consequently,  the governors race is the only statewide  election
in   which  a  competitive  race  may  be  predicted  with   some
confidence.   Given the more reliably competitive nature  of  the
race,  it  was not unreasonable for the legislature  to  conclude
that the governors race offers a better gauge for popular support
of a political party.
          Furthermore, in Metcalfe we recognized that  the  state
could  satisfy its burden of determining whether less restrictive
alternatives  exist  by showing that its actions  remain  in  the
mainstream of the practices of other states.37  In that  case  we
determined that Alaskas three percent requirement was well within
the  mainstream of other states.38  Relying on this  finding,  in
conjunction with the deference accorded the legislature on ballot
access  issues, we decided that there was no valid  legal  ground
.  .  .  leading  to  the conclusion that the  legislature  acted
unreasonably in enacting a three percent requirement.39
          Eight   states,  including  Alaska  under   former   AS
15.60.010(21), rely on a percentage of the total number of  votes
          cast for governor to determine political party status.40  Twelve
other  states use a percentage of the total number of  votes  for
either  governor  or  presidential electors.41   Based  on  these
statistics  we  concur  with  the  superior  court  that  Alaskas
requirements are within the mid-range of other states,  and  that
the  legislature  acted  reasonably in  using  this  standard  to
determine party eligibility.
V.   CONCLUSION
          The  state  has  a  compelling interest  in  regulating
ballot  access,  and  the  statute in  question  is  sufficiently
narrowly  tailored  to  achieve that goal without  violating  the
constitutional  rights of Green Party voters and candidates.   We
therefore  AFFIRM  the superior courts decision granting  summary
judgment to the state.
_______________________________
     1    AS 15.60.010(21), defining political party, was amended
by ch. 50,  9, SLA 2004 and now appears as AS 15.60.010(23).  The
new statute defines a political party as:

          An  organized group of voters that represents
          a political program and
          (A)  that  nominated a candidate for governor
          who  received at least three percent  of  the
          total   votes  cast  for  governor   at   the
          preceding  election or has registered  voters
          in  the  state equal in number  to  at  least
          three  percent  of the total votes  cast  for
          governor at the preceding general election;
          (B)  if the office of governor was not on the
          ballot at the preceding general election  but
          the  office of United States senator  was  on
          that  ballot, that nominated a candidate  for
          United  States senator who received at  least
          three  percent  of the total votes  cast  for
          United   States  senator  at   that   general
          election  or  has registered  voters  in  the
          state  equal  in  number to  at  least  three
          percent  of  the total votes cast for  United
          States senator at that general election; or
          (C) if neither the office of governor nor the
          office  of United States senator was  on  the
          ballot  at  the  preceding general  election,
          that  nominated a candidate for United States
          representative  who received at  least  three
          percent  of  the total votes cast for  United
          States   representative   at   that   general
          election  or  has registered  voters  in  the
          state  equal  in  number to  at  least  three
          percent  of  the total votes cast for  United
          States   representative   at   that   general
          election.
          
We  note  that in this case we address only the constitutionality
of  former  AS  15.60.010(21).  We make no comment regarding  the
current statute.

     2     A  group  that is not a political party may contribute
not more than $2,000 per year to a candidate for any office.   AS
15.13.070(c)(1).  In contrast, a political party  may  contribute
$100,000  per  year  to  a candidate for governor  or  lieutenant
governor,  $15,000 per year to a candidate for state senate,  and
$10,000  per  year  for  a  candidate  to  the  state  house   of
representatives.  AS 15.13.070(d)(1)-(3).

     3    See State, Div. of Elections v. Metcalfe, 110 P.3d 976,
980 (Alaska 2005).

     4    See note 1, supra.

     5     The  Green  Party  expressly noted that,  because  the
future  status  of the party was uncertain, it did  not  seek  an
award  of  a  permanent  injunction, but  rather  only  wanted  a
declaratory  judgment  regarding the legal  effect  of  the  past
conduct of the state.

     6    110 P.3d 976 (Alaska 2005).

     7    Id. at 981.

     8    Sonneman v. State, 969 P.2d 632, 635 (Alaska 1998).

     9    Id. at 636.

     10    Guin v. Ha, 591 P.2d 1281, 1284 n.6 (Alaska 1979).

     11    See, e.g., Kodiak Seafood Processors Assn v. State, 900
P.2d 1191, 1195 (Alaska 1995).

     12    Id.

     13    Id.

     14     Id. (quoting Jefferson v. Asplund, 458 P.2d 995,  999
(Alaska 1969)).

     15    State, Div. of Elections v. Metcalfe, 110 P.3d 976, 979
(Alaska 2005).

     16    Id. at 980.

     17    Id. at 979.

     18    See id. at 980, holding that [i]n the context of ballot
access  cases, strict scrutiny leaves more room for a finding  of
constitutionality.

     19    118 P.3d 1054 (Alaska 2005).

     20    Id. at 1059.

     21    Id. at 1060.

     22    Id. at 1061 (citations and quotation marks omitted).

     23    Id.

     24     In  Sonneman  v. State, 969 P.2d 632, 636-37  (Alaska
1998),  we determined that the impact of eligibility restrictions
on  candidates and voters should be analyzed directly  under  the
right  to  vote provisions of the First and Fourteenth Amendments
of the United States Constitution and article I, section 5 of the
Alaska  Constitution,  rather  than  through  a  separate   equal
protection  analysis.  Accordingly, we address the  Green  Partys
equal protection claim only insofar as it addresses a deprivation
of the right to vote.

     25     Vogler v. Miller, 651 P.2d 1, 3 (Alaska 1982) (Vogler
I) (quoting Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U.S. 23, 30 (1968)).

     26    Former AS 15.60.010(21).

     27     Id.  To obtain recognized political party status, the
Green  Party  would have needed to register 6,945 voters;  as  of
September 2003, it had registered only 4,740 voters.

     28    AS 15.25.140-.200.  Petitions for statewide office must
be  signed  by at least one percent of the number of  voters  who
cast ballots in the preceding general election.  AS 15.25.160.

     29    Green Party, 118 P.3d at 1060.

     30    Vogler I, 651 P.2d at 3.

     31    State, Div. of Elections v. Metcalfe, 110 P.3d 976, 980
(Alaska 2005).

     32     Id.  ([The  state  asserts] an interest  in  avoiding
confusion,  deception,  and even frustration  of  the  democratic
process   at  the  general  election.   We  found  this  interest
sufficiently  important under the constitutional  test.  (quoting
Vogler v. Miller, 660 P.2d 1192, 1195 (Alaska 1983))).

     33    Metcalfe, 110 P.3d at 981.

     34     Id. (quoting OCallaghan v. State, 914 P.2d 1250, 1254
(Alaska 1996)).

     35    See OCallaghan, 914 P.2d at 1254.

     36     No person who has been elected governor for two  full
successive  terms  shall be again eligible to  hold  that  office
until one full term has intervened.  Alaska Const. art. III,  5.

     37    Metcalfe, 110 P.3d at 981.

     38    Id.

     39    Id.

     40     See 10 Ill. Comp. Stat. Ann. 5/10-2 (West 2006); Kan.
Stat.  Ann.  25-202(b) (1993); Mont. Code Ann.  13-10-601 (2005);
Neb.  Rev.  Stat.   32-716(1) (2005); N.Y.  Elec.  Law   1-104(3)
(McKinney  1998); S.D. Codified Laws  12-1-3(10) (2006);  W.  Va.
Code  3-1-8 (West 2006).

     41     See  Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann.  16-804 (2005); Ark.  Code
Ann.   7-1-101(17)(A) (West 2006); Colo. Rev. Stat.  Ann.    1-1-
104(22) (West 2006); Ga. Code Ann.  21-2-2(25) (West 2006);  Iowa
Code Ann.  43.2 (West 1999, Supp. 2006); Me. Rev. Stat. Ann. tit.
21-A,  301 (2006); N.M. Stat. Ann.  1-1-9 (West 2006); N.C.  Gen.
Stat.  Ann.  163-96(a) (1) (West 2006); N.D. Cent. Code  16.1-11-
30 (2005);
Ohio  Rev. Code Ann.  3517.01(A)(1) (West 2006); Okla. Stat. tit.
26,  1-109 (1997, Supp. 2006); R.I. Gen. Laws  17-1-2(9) (2005).

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